By Douglas Hales

ISBN-10: 1585442003

ISBN-13: 9781585442003

The advanced problems with race and politics in nineteenth-century Texas could be nowhere extra dramatically embodied than in 3 generations of the family members of Norris Wright Cuney, mulatto hard work and political chief. Douglas Hales explores the birthright Cuney acquired from his white plantation-owner father, Philip Cuney, and how his historical past performed out within the lifetime of his daughter Maud Cuney-Hare. This intergenerational research casts mild at the event of race within the South earlier than Emancipation, after Reconstruction, and within the diaspora that at last led cultural leaders of African American background into the towns of the North.

Most Texas historical past books identify Norris Wright Cuney as the most influential African American politicians in nineteenth-century Texas, yet they inform little approximately him past his elected positions. In The Cuneys, Douglas Hales not just fills within the information of Cuney’s lifestyles and contributions yet areas him within the context of his family’s generations.

A politically lively plantation proprietor and slaveholder in Austin County, Philip Cuney participated within the annexation of Texas to the USA and supported the function of slavery and cotton within the constructing financial system of the hot nation. filthy rich and strong, he fathered 8 slave little ones whom he later freed and observed trained. Hales explores how and why Cuney differed from different planters of his time and place.

He then turns to the better-known Norris Wright Cuney to review how the black elite labored for political and financial chance within the reactionary interval that Reconstruction within the South. Cuney led the Texas Republican celebration in these turbulent years and, via his place as selection of customs at Galveston, dispensed federal patronage to either white and black Texans. because the strongest African American in Texas, and arguably within the complete South, Cuney turned the focus of white hostility, from either Democrats and contributors of the “Lily White” faction of his personal get together. His potent management received not just persevered workplace for him but additionally a place of strength in the Republican social gathering for Texas blacks at a time whilst the celebration of Lincoln repudiated African american citizens in lots of different Southern states. From his place at the Galveston urban Council, Cuney labored tirelessly for African American schooling and challenged the domination of white hard work in the becoming unions.

Norris Wright Cuney’s daughter, Maud, who was once graced with a prestigious schooling, pursued a winning occupation within the arts as a live performance pianist, musicologist, and playwright. a chum of W. E. B. Du Bois, she grew to become actively excited by the racial uplift stream of the early 20th century. Hales illuminates her position within the highbrow and political “awakening” of black the United States that culminated within the Harlem Renaissance of the Twenties. He adroitly explores her selection opposed to “passing” as white and her dedication to uplift.

Through those 3 contributors of a unmarried mixed-race kinfolk, Douglas Hales provides perception into the problems, demanding situations, and strengths of people. His paintings provides an enormous bankruptcy to the background of Texas and of African american citizens extra broadly.

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Their skill and limited numbers gave them increased leverage over shippers. The union used its monopoly to great advantage. Wages and benefits for its membership were some of the highest in Texas. Members received sickness and death benefits and became part of a tight-knit social group. The most influential members were contracting stevedores who managed individual screwmen gangs. 18                             The all-white screwmen’s union wanted to keep blacks out at all costs.

He warned them that there “were over  armed men—trained soldiers—in the city, who could annihilate them in an hour,” and if they could not, “a , men under arms” from Houston would finish the job. ” He condemned “the follies into which the                 colored men had fallen” and pointed out that less than  blacks out of a labor force of , had joined the strike. If they continued their strike, then “every good citizen would be found on the side of law . . ” The Galveston Daily News strongly opposed the strike, so its editors may have reported only the aspects of Cuney’s speech that reflected that opposition, but throughout his political career, Cuney identified himself with a Republican ideology that may have influenced his opposition to the strike.

Born in Virginia, Moody moved to the state following the Civil War. During the conflict he had received several decorations for bravery and achieved the rank of colonel. In  he helped organize the Galveston Cotton Exchange and the Colorado and Santa Fe Railway. A partisan Democrat, he nevertheless sought the cooperation and advice of Galveston’s black leadership in his plans. 13 Cuney made his first try for city office in . Even with Reconstruction at an end and Edmund Davis no longer governor, Republicans felt they still had enough strength in Galveston to win the mayoral election.

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A Southern Family in White and Black: The Cuneys of Texas by Douglas Hales


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